ON POPULATION IN THE PRIZREN VILAYET BEFORE THE SERBIAN-TURKISH WARS OF 1876-1878
ON POPULATION IN THE PRIZREN VILAYET
BEFORE THE SERBIAN-TURKISH WARS OF 1876-1878
There are historical problems whenever addressing population issues in the Prizren “vilayet” during the third quarter of the 19th century. More specifically, the administrative part known as the “mutessarifluk” was of deep concern because of how national life and history of Serbs in the Ottoman Empire, (as well as other populations of those regions), was being affected. To speak about population would imply the study of all positional components under the rule of the Ottoman Empire: legal, economic, social, cultural, confessional, ethnic and demographic. Undertaking such a task would demand multiple studies, as well as the application of methods of several scientific disciplines. Historical findings in that direction have thus far produced only rather modest results—more through fragmented and individual research than in complete and extensive studies of the above-mentioned problems. The absence of proper documentation is the main reason so little is known about the ethnic, confessional, demographic, and population processes in the Prizren “mutessarifluk”, (defined as a narrow region of historical Old Serbia). Methodical procedures for this type of record keeping had neither been adapted nor applied. Any serious analytical effort to arrive at a comprehensive formulation, or even synthetic presentation, is confounded by the scarcity of historical documentation and whatever minimal data that exists within the scope of topical entities and development processes.
And, that is why so little1 is known about the Serbian people, and its’ relations with nations surrounding it. This treatise is a contribution to the studies about this interesting and scientifically very attractive problem, especially its demographic development.
G. von Hahn carried out his research of the northwestern regions of the Rumelia Vilayet following the end of the Crimea War. He paid close attention to questions raised about confessional, ethnic, and population situations in the Metohija-Kosovo regions. He was especially interested in the numerical size of the Albanians and, indirectly, the mutual relationships between the Albanian and Serbian population. He found that Albanians were mainly a mountainous population, while the Serbs remained in the lowland settlements. Generally speaking, he believed that Albanians in Metohija prevailed (“in der Metohijaebene die albanische Bevölkerung die Serbische überwiegen soll”), but that the situation in Kosovo was less clear in that respect. (“Welches von den beiden Bevölkerungselementen auf den Amselfelde überwiege, darüber haben wir kein sicheres Urteil”). According to von Hahn Albanians in Kosovo were settled in Drenica (and mid-section of the river Lepenac), but that the real Kosovo plain was inhabited by Serbs (“die…Ebene der Sitnitza bis Novi Pazar hin wahrscheinlich ganz im Besitze des Serbischen Elementes…sei”). Hahn said that Kosovo and Metohija—which in the past were the center (“Schwerpunkt”) of the medieval Kingdom of Raška (Rascia), (“des alten Königreichs Rascien”), together with the Novi Pazar region—were known among the population as “Old Serbia” (“Alt-Serbien – Stara Srbija”). Until the arrival of the Imperial Austrian army in 1689-1690, Serbs represented the majority of the population in those regions when compared with the less numerous natives whom Hahn called “Dardanian Albanians”. Numerous Albanian immigrants (“zahlereiche albanesische Einwanderer”), came from Malesia and Dukagjin (from their “Mutterland”), and settled in regions the Serbs had been forced to abandon in the migration periods of 1690 and 1737. Hahn quoted the regions of Lab and Golak as typical regions where immigrants from Albania settled: the Lab area, taken by the Klimenti (twenty villages), and the Bituči (two villages). Other areas were taken by the Krasnići (forty villages), together with Sopi, Beriši, and Gaši. Furthermore, it is characteristic Hahn would have recorded in Janjevo that in addition to twenty-two households of Muslim Albanians and twenty households of Gypsies, there were also on hundred and fifty households of Christian-Catholics with 1,720 souls who, he said, spoke the Serbian language. (“Die katholische Einwohner sprechen das Serbische als Haussprache”). Hahn also says that Slavs in the Gnjilane “, i.e. Serbs of Catholic confession, were living in seven villages with one hundred and seven souls who spoke Serbian, too. Hahn found considerably compact Serbian settlements, especially in the Novo Brdo region and around the monastery of Gracanica. Otherwise, with respect to Catholic Albanians, Hahn wrote that they lived in the Metohija “ (regions) of Prizren, Djakovica, Peć and Zjum. On the other hand, although he does not mention Islamized Serbs in Kosovo, he says about Metohija that “in Ipek, Jakova and Prizren viele muchamedanische Serben sind”. I
G. von Hahn carried out his research of the northwestern regions of the Rumelia Vilayet following the end of the Crimea War. He paid close attention to questions raised about confessional, ethnic, and population situations in the Metohija-Kosovo regions. He was especially interested in the numerical size of the Albanians and, indirectly, the mutual relationships between the Albanian and Serbian population. He found that Albanians were mainly a mountainous population, while the Serbs remained in the lowland settlements.2 Generally speaking, he believed that Albanians in Metohija prevailed (“in der Metohijaebene die albanische Bevölkerung die Serbische überwiegen soll”), but that the situation in Kosovo was less clear in that respect. (“Welches von den beiden Bevölkerungselementen auf den Amselfelde überwiege, darüber haben wir kein sicheres Urteil”).3 According to von Hahn Albanians in Kosovo were settled in Drenica (and mid-section of the river Lepenac), but that the real Kosovo plain was inhabited by Serbs (“die…Ebene der Sitnitza bis Novi Pazar hin wahrscheinlich ganz im Besitze des Serbischen Elementes…sei”).4 Hahn said that Kosovo and Metohija—which in the past were the center (“Schwerpunkt”) of the medieval Kingdom of Raška (Rascia), (“des alten Königreichs Rascien”), together with the Novi Pazar region—were known among the population as “Old Serbia” (“Alt-Serbien – Stara Srbija”).5 Until the arrival of the Imperial Austrian army in 1689-1690, Serbs represented the majority of the population in those regions when compared with the less numerous natives whom Hahn called “Dardanian Albanians”. Numerous Albanian immigrants (“zahlereiche albanesische Einwanderer”)6, came from Malesia and Dukagjin (from their “Mutterland”), and settled in regions the Serbs had been forced to abandon in the migration periods of 1690 and 1737.7 Hahn quoted the regions of Lab and Golak as typical regions where immigrants from Albania settled: the Lab area, taken by the Klimenti (twenty villages), and the Bituči (two villages). Other areas were taken by the Krasnići (forty villages), together with Sopi, Beriši, and Gaši.8 Furthermore, it is characteristic Hahn would have recorded in Janjevo that in addition to twenty-two households of Muslim Albanians and twenty households of Gypsies, there were also on hundred and fifty households of Christian-Catholics with 1,720 souls who, he said, spoke the Serbian language. (“Die katholische Einwohner sprechen das Serbische als Haussprache”).9 Hahn also says that Slavs in the Gnjilane “kaza”, i.e. Serbs of Catholic confession, were living in seven villages with one hundred and seven souls10 who spoke Serbian, too. Hahn found considerably compact Serbian settlements,11 especially in the Novo Brdo region and around the monastery of Gracanica. Otherwise, with respect to Catholic Albanians, Hahn wrote that they lived in the Metohija “župas” (regions) of Prizren, Djakovica, Peć and Zjum. On the other hand, although he does not mention Islamized Serbs in Kosovo, he says about Metohija that “in Ipek, Jakova and Prizren viele muchamedanische Serben sind”.12
Hahn described the ethnic and sociological characteristics of Metohija with special reference to earlier studies by J. Müller, as follows: “In …the Albanian mountainous knot, along the southern slopes of which there flows the river Drin, there lived almost exclusively Albanians, known under the general name of Malesori – Malësorët (Highlanders); east of that mountainous area there is the plain of Metohija with the towns of Prizren, Djakovica and Peć, and their Albano-Serbian population which, from the historical point of view, lived a life of their own and never had any close relationships with the Albanian population. Therefore, again the Malisori, (Malësorët), and their southern neighbors Dukagjin, living within the large curve of the river Drin towards the north, extend almost to the town of Skutari”.13 Hahn worked out that the total number of northern Albanians at Ghegs, was 410,000 persons of both confessions.14 The Catholic (Latin) population numbered 96,000 souls,15 and the others were Muslims. Most of the Albanians lived in their motherland where the original tribal and territorial geographic organization of the Malisori (Malësorët) was preserved. Much smaller numbers lived in diaspora, in some parts of Macedonia and Old Serbia, i.e., in Metohija and Kosovo. According to Hahn, 74,000 Albanians Muslims lived in the “kazas” of Prizren, Djakovica and Peć16, in Metohija, while the number of the Albanians Catholics was very small (about three thousand). He did not give any complete data for Kosovo. Referring to Müller, whom he slightly corrects and supplements with his own findings, Hahn was of the opinion that in the so-called Dardania, outside Metohija, there lived probably (“etwa”) 70,000 Muslim Albanians.17 Of that number in Kosovo there were: in the Gnjilane “kaza” – (about) 13,800 Albanians in 2,300 households, in Vučitrn (and its kaza) – 14,308 persons (7,154 x 2),18 while for the Prishtina “kaza” the number was not known. Although he produced data of a confessional-ethnic nature for a majority of villages in Kosovo, Hahn did not produce a complete summary survey for the administration territory of the Prishtina Sanjaks. Although Hahn (as we have already quoted) was of the opinion that Albanians outnumbered the Serbs in Metohija,19 the table containing data on the numerical size of population in individual “kazas” shows that Albanians were a slight minority as compared with the Serbs, outside Metohija. But it does not take into account a considerable number of Islamized Serbs in Metohija settlements on the Serbian side.20 Compared with data Hahn gave for the Albanians, and bearing in mind the general data for the (old) Prishtina “sanjak”, it seems that Serbs outnumbered the Albanians in Kosovo in the 1860’s. They were mixed in because of Albanian immigration, which at times did not occur without conflicts.21 Anyhow, the picture on the confessional, ethnic and populational composition of Kosovo remained incomplete and unclear from data, including Hahn’s gathered while on journey throughout Turkey, in the middle of the 19th century.22
An attempt to present the broader demographic, administrative and socio-economic situation in Metohija and Kosovo (or more precisely in the Prizren mutessarifluk) was made by Hasan Kaleshi and Jurgen Kornrumpf. They published official Turkish censuses for the Prizren Vilayet for 1871/72 and 1873/74.23 The census gave statistical data with regard to confessional division into Muslim and non-Muslim population in individual “kazas” and within the four “sanjaks” of the Prizren “vilayet” (the “Sanjaks” of Prizren, Niš, Skoplje and Debar). For the Prizren “Sanjak,” which in addition to Kosovo and Metohija also covered the Tetovo kaza, Ljuma and the Gusinje kaza, the situation was as follows:24
for the Prizren “Sanjak”
The population census in the Prizren “Vilayet” included only the male population, as was the usual practice of the Turkish statistical service.25 Doubling the numerical value, therefore, will take into account the approximate female population. Being a valuable document as one of the first official censuses that offered a general picture of the population-statistical character this census, however, had some gaps, incompleteness, and errors (partly due to clerks’ certainly). These data refer only to the “kazas” which geographically belonged to the “mutessarifluks”. This is seen, for instance, in the relationship between the number of households, and the size of villages. Thus if the number of households in individual “kazas” is compared with the number of inhabitants in general, it turns out that each household had between eleven to twelve persons each. Doubled figures means there were twice as many inhabitants. In this way, as mathematical average, each household counting nearly twelve would actually have twenty-four members. It turns out that the number of households was no doubt decreased, or even considerably reduced, probably because in the Turkish taxation system a household, “hane” – as property, real estate – represented the basic tax unit for taxation, and not a personal tax. Perhaps, also, because the “bedel” – military tax contribution – was collected according to the number of households.
But independent of these shortcomings, the census for the Prizren “mutessarifluk” regarding the presentation of confessional conditions shows that in spite of Islamization assimilation and extensive emigration of Serbs to the Principality of Serbia (and immigration of Albanians from the northern parts of Albania), the numerical ratio between the Serbs and the Albanians in certain kazas and in Metohija and Kosovo, was retained. This was managed in spite of extremely difficult political-legal, and social-economic conditions under the Turkish-Albanian rule—in part a large measure as compared with the previous conditions. For example, in the Peć “kaza” of Metohija there was a small difference in the numbers of Muslim and Christian Serbs and Albanians. It is expressed as the ratio of nine to ten; in Kosovo in the Gnjilane “kaza” the ratio is eleven and a half to twelve and a half, despite the well-advanced process of forcible “un-Serbization” of that region of the historical Old Serbia.26 A certain number of Islamized Serbs in both “kazas” mentioned above, (the Peć “kaza” and the Gnjilane “kaza”) gave them a certain predominance in the ethnic (and not confessional) characteristic of the Serbian-Albanian national-political complex—and as the internationality problem. Even in the Prizren “kaza” the ethnic component of about twenty thousand Islamized Gorans (who preserved Serbian idiomatic language), and the strong oases of Serbian-speaking Muslims in Orahovac,27 established a predominance over the Albanian and Albanian-Ottoman confessional, and idiomatically different, ethnic mass. In this respect it is more than certain that the Porte, in its official censuses for political and state reasons, produced a decreased number of its Christian subjects; in the Prizren “mutessarifluk,” those were the Serbs.28 This was done in order to present the “minority” issue in a less favorable light because of nationally-territorial repercussions – particularly during the events of 1862 and 1867 – by free Balkan states against the Ottoman Empire. Further, the assertion made by H. Kaleshi and H. J. Kornrumpf that the Albanians were the only Muslim population in the Prizren “mutessarifluk” and in the Prizren “vilayet” could not, in general, be considered as true. The Osmanlis were present in certain numbers in all towns in the “mutessarifluk”, and especially in Prizren. But it was also certain that the Osmanli assimilation attracted a certain number of Albanians, especially from their contingents in the administrative and administrative-feudal systems. This was similar to the way in which the Albanization comprised a certain number of Serbs in the national terminology of Kosovo-Metohija Serbs known under the name of “poture” (converts to Islam), or the “Arnatuaši” (Albanized Serbs).29 Also during the period for which the census was carried out or in the years immediately preceding it, the presence of Islamized Serbs was noticeably visible as a process of deprivation of national identity observed by Joseph Müller, Ivan Yastreboff, and Ami Boué especially in the Metohija “kazas” of Peć, Djakovica, and Prizren. The multilateral historical consequences were as negative as they were indicative of the position and fate of Serbs, having interpreted the facts in as convincing a manner as possible, and supported by accurate evaluations. But those data were not used by commentaries of the Turkish official census, especially not by Boué’s well known “itinerary” (i.e. “Recueil”). In research about the problems described above, (and also in passing judgments on confessional, ethnic, and demographic-population issues, without consulting and taking into consideration the results of Müller, Boué and Yastreboff – even if assertions of equally trustworthy Serbian contemporary writers Serafim Ristić and Gedeon Jurišić,30 would not be accepted), any writing on the above-mentioned topic represented a gross failure with respect to the objectivity, accuracy and full validity of what was written about! On the other hand, references to Nušić’s and Stanković’s subsequent notes about full Albanian character of Kosovo-Metohija settlements cause a double methodical inconsistency. First, because their notes referred mainly to the situation after the Serbian-Turkish wars of 1876-1878 when the demographic-ethnic situation in Kosovo was fundamentally changed to the detriment of the Serbian population, to which those two authors explicitly drew attention. Second, because there was a complete neglect of the results of Nušić’s31 and Stanković’s studies about the scope and intensity of Islamization, “poarnaućivanje” (conversion to Albanianism), particularly, and about expulsions of Serbs from their homes. This was accompanied by very numerous examples of personalities and settlements where there were Islamized Serbs, “arnautaši” (converts to Albanianism),32 without even mentioning the localities which succumbed to the process of Islamization and Albanian assimilation during the 19th century. Omission or a sheer negligence of those data, offered by authors-contemporaries who provided testimonies worthy of scientific attention, was only to the detriment of the presentation of an extensive documentation and valid judgments about confessional and ethnic conditions in the Prizren “mutessarifluk”, i.e., in Metohija and Kosovo, at the time of the enactment of the Turkish official census of 1871-1874. The damage done to the historiography on that issue is obvious in many respects, and the results published remain subject to revision and reconsideration. What the real value of data obtained from the Turkish census on the Prizren “vilayet” and the Prizren “mutessarifluk” concerning the problem we are discussing here was to what extent it could be inaccurate or incomplete. This could be seen through a more subtle study, and all the more important comparatively, of an official character of Austrian provenance. That testimony is provided in an extensive export book that belonged to the Austro-Hungarian General-Staff Major Peter Kukulj, and was printed as a manuscript in Vienna in 1871.33
In Kukulj’s book, “Section Turkish Serbia – Stara Srbia” (“Türkisch-Serbien – Stara Srbia”), statistical data and ratios of the population in the Prizren “mutessarifluk” were considered according to categories “nationality and confession” (“der Nationalität and Religion nach”)
I According to nationality-ethnic groups, there were:
Albanians (Arnauts) 161,000
Vlachs (Goga) 10,000
Gypsies and Tcherkesses 9,000
which totaled (“rund”) 500,000 people.34
II According to confessional affiliations, there were:
Orthodox (Goga and Serbs) 250,000
Muslims (Gypsies, Tcherkesses, Osmanlis,
Islamized Serbs, Muslim Albanians) 239,000
Catholics (Albanians, Serbs) 11,000
the total being also 500,000 people
As seen from Kukulj’s data, officially prepared-for needs of the Austro-Hungarian General Staff, Serbs (Orthodox, Islamized and Catholics), accounted for more that 3/5 of the entire population of Kosovo and Metohija. Albanians (Muslims and Catholics) accounted for nearly 1/3 of the total population. The other nationalities (ethnic groups): Osmanlis, Tzintzars (Vlachs, Goga), Gypsies and Tcherkesses represented a negligible part of the total ethnic composition of the population, barely 1/25.
How the religious-confessional component35 was included in the ethnic (and national) basis is shown in the schematic presentation and analysis of the data shown above:
|Serbs (Orthodox, Muslims, Catholics)||63.60%=||48.00%||14.20%||1.40%|
|Albanians (Muslims, Catholics)||32.20%||–||31.40%||0.80%|
|Others (Goga, Osmanlis, Gypsies, Tcherkesses)||4.20%|
|Gypsies and Tcherkesses||–||1.80%||–|
Finally, the inter-ratios of basic determinations according to religion and nationalities in the “mutessarifluk” were as follows:
I The ratio between the number of all Christians
(Orthodox and Catholics: 250,000 + 11,000) = 261,000 or 52.20%
and the number of all Muslims (irrespective of
language and origin) = 239,000 or 47.80%
II The ethnic ratio between Serbs
(Orthodox 240,000, Islamized 71,000,
Catholics 7,000) 318,000 or 66.39%
and Albanians (Muslims 157,000,
Catholics 4,000) 161,000 or 33.61%
III. The ratio between Christian Serbs (Orthodox, Catholics) and Islamized Serbs and Muslim and Christian Albanians (Catholics – “Latins”), was 318,000: 161,000 or 66.39% : 33.61%, without taking others into consideration (Goga, Osmanlis, Gypsies, Tcherkesses).
Generally speaking, the Albanian data, referring to principal agglomerations of Serbs or Albanians in the Prizren “mutessarifluk”, noted the Albanian majority in towns and along the communication line from Djakovica, the main Albanian settlement in the “mutessarifluk” (i.e. in Metohija and Kosovo), to Kosovo Polje, covering several neighboring valleys with Drenica and Crnoljeva. The Serbs were strongly represented in Peć and the Drim Valley (Podrimlje, Podrima), but in any case Albanians were considerably mixed with Serbs (“Sonst sind sie mit den Serben ziemlich untermengt”).36 But in Kosovo the Serbs were predominant over the Albanians, (“Im Amselfelde wiegen sie vor”).37 Thus, considering its qualities and responsible attitude towards the affairs of real estate, Kukulj’s study, unknown until that time, could usefully serve for scientific purposes.
The Serbian-Turkish wars of 1876-1878 caused great changes in confessional, populational, and ethnic conditions in Metohija and Kosovo, i.e., the pre-war Prizren “mutessarifluk”. Those changes were felt by both Serbs and Albanians, and on both sides of the new Serbian-Turkish state frontiers. Whole regions and scores of village settlement changes were for the greater part of a pre-war ethnic and demographic structure.38 Because of immigrations of Muslim Albanians, “muhagirs” from the New Regions of Serbia after 1877-1878 – most probably about 30,000 people,39 and emigrations of (Orthodox) Serbs, especially from Peć and Prizren “sanjaks” – reckoned at more than 60,000 people until the year 1900,40 the nationality proportions between the Metohija-Kosovo Serbs and the Albanians were also considerably changed to the detriment of the former. But “towards the end of the 19th century there were at least 260,000 Orthodox Serbs in Old Serbia, north of the mountain Šara”,41 without counting a still quite noticeable number of Metohija and Kosovo Serbian speaking Muslims.42 In fact, those were the remnants—approximately three-quarters of the number of the pre-war Serbian population, one quarter of which (more than 60,000 people) emigrated just before the war, during the war, or immediately after. Both these two figures, the Serbs who emigrated and the Serbs who remained in Kosovo and Metohija, confirmed the data put forward by Austro-Hungarian General Staff officer about the numerical status of Serbs on the territory of the Prizren “mutessarifluk”.
1 About these topics during the preceding period, v.: Joseph Müller, Albanien, Rumelien un die osterreichische-montenegrinische Gränze, Prague 1844; Ami Boué, Recueil d’itineraires dans la Turquie d’Europe. Details geographiques, topographiques et statistiques sur cette Empire, I, II, Wien 1854; И. С. Ястребовъ, Стара Сербiя и Албанiя. Путевыя записки, Collection of studies of Serbian Royal Academy, XVI, Belgrade 1904; Aleksa Ivic, The Rumelia Vilayet in 1838, Contributions to the IJKF, XIII, vol. 1-2, Belgrade 1933, 117-127. Vladimir Stojančević, South Slav Peoples in the Ottoman Empire from the Edirne Peace of 1829 till the Congress of Paris of 1856, Belgrade 1971, 285-338; Vladimir Stojančević, Kosovo-Lim Valley Migrations to Serbia under the rule of Prince Miloš, A Contribution to the Studies of Kosovo-Metohija and Skutari-Lim Valley Metanastasic Movements, Journal of the Ethnographic Institute of the Serbian Academy of Sciences, IX, (1960), Belgrade 1961, 179-198; Vladimir Stojančević, Ethnic, Confessional and Demographic Conditions during the 1830-ies, Special Editions of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Belgrade 1988, 99-114.
2 Johan Georg von Hahn, Reise von Belgrad nach Salonik, Wien 1861, 38.
3 Op. cit., 80.
4 Op. cit.., 36.
5 Op. cit.., 70.
6 Op. cit.., 37.
7 Op. cit., 73.
8 Op. cit., 74.
9 Op. cit., 81.
10 Op. cit., 21.
11 Op. cit., 165-166, 167-168..
12 Op. cit., 210; Cf. J. Müller, Op. cit., for Peć: 73-74, for Djakovica: 77-78, for Prizren: 82-83; Ami Boué, Op. cit., I, 107, 108 (Islamization and Albanization).
13 J. G. von Hahn, Reise durch die Gebiete des Drin and Wardar, Wien 1863. Serbian translation by Mih. Nik. Ilić, The Journey through the Valleys of the Rivers Drin and Vardar, Belgrade 1876, 467.
14 J. G. von Hahn, Reise von Belgrad nach Salonik, 210.
15 Loc. cit.
16 Op. cit., 209.
17 Op. cit., 75.
18 Op. cit., 209.
19 Loc. cit.,
20 V. Op. cit.: Anhang II.
21 For drastic examples v.: Hadzi Serafim Ristić, Weeping of Old Serbia, Zemun 1864.
22 A. Ubiccini, according to data from Salname for 1854, quoted that in the Prizren, Prishtina and Novi Pazar livas there lived 200,000 Serbs. A. Ubiccini, Lettres sur la Turquie….Paris 1854, 175, 177; Vladimir Stojančević, South Slav Peoples in the Ottoman Empire, 334.
23 After the Vilayet Organization Act, i.e., a new administrative division of the Ottoman Empire in Vilayets in 1864, a more detailed census of the population and property was carried out, in addition to other census items that interested the administration. V. With respect to our topic, among others: Hasan Kaleshi-Hans, Jürgen Kornrumpf, Das Wilajet Prizren. Beitrag zur Geschichte der türkischen Staatsreform auf dem Balkan im 19.Jahrhundert. – Südostforschungen, Band XXVI, München 1967, 176-238 (Mit einer Karte).
24 Op. cit., 202.
25 Cf.: Vidosava Stojančević-Nikolić, Leskovac and Liberated Regions of Serbia in 1877-1878, Statistical Review of the Kosovo vilayet, Leskovac 1975, 10-11.
26 V. in greater detail: Djordje Mikić, Social-Economic Conditions of Kosovo Serbs in the XIX and at the beginning of the XX century (From the Čifčija period to the Banking period), Publication of the Kosovo Committee of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Belgrade 1988, 111-112. On the rapidly decreasing number of Serbs in Metohija during the period between the Crimea War and the First Serbian-Turkish war of 1876 in about ten villages of Metohija alone the number of Serbian households (large peasant cooperatives were in question) was decreased by more than a hundred, i.e., from 165 households to barely 50. I. S. Yastreboff, op. cit., 24. On the other hand, as regards immigrations of Albanians from Malesia and Miredite to Metohija, particularly to Peć, v.: H. M. Hecquard, Historie et description de la Haute Albanie ou Guégarie, Paris 1858, 210, 222.
27 Vladimir Stojančević, Ethnic, Confessional and Demographic Conditions, 105; Vladimir Stojančević, South Slav Peoples in the Ottoman Empire, 330-331.
28 About difficult security and economic conditions in the Ottoman Empire at the beginning of the second half of the 19th century, v.: Rev. W. Denton, Die Christen in der Türkei. Aus demenglieschen, London 1863.
29 Todor Stanković, Notes on Journeys Through Old Serbia 1871-1910, Belgrade 1910. On geographical concept of Old Serbia including Metohija, v.: Ami Boué, Recueil, I, 201.
30 Гедеона Йосифа Юришича, Дечанскый првенацъ, Novi Sad 1852.
31 Branislav Nušić, Kosovo. Description of the Land and People, Novi Sad 1902.
32 Todor Stanković, op. cit., 113.
33 Peter Kukulj, Major im K. K. Generalstable, Das Fürstenthum Serbien und Türkisch-Serbien (Stara Srbija, Alt-Serbien). Eine militärisch-geographische Skizze (Im Manuskript gedruckt), Wien. Aus der kaiserlich-königlischen Hof und Staatsdruckerei, 1871.
34 Op. cit., 148-149.
35 J. G. von Hahn, for the 1860-ies, notes an already considerably smaller number of Serbs in Prizren as compared with, for example, the 1830-ies. J. G. von Hahn, Journey through the Drina and Vardar Valleys, 213. Large emigrations of Serbs from the town of Prizren because of large scale oppression and personal and property insecurity, especially after the Crimea War, about 500 people within barely several years, were noted and reported by two English travelers: M. Mackenzie and A. P. Irby, Travels in the Slavonic Provinces, Belgrade 1868, 354.
36 Peter Kukulj, op. cit., 150.
37 Loc. cit.
38 Todor Stanković, op. cit., 143.
39 Theodor Ippen, Novi Bazar und Kossovo, Wien 1892, 19 (Ippen quotes that twenty thousand Albanian emigrants-muhagirs left the regions of Serbia liberated during the war with Turkey 1877/78).
40 Jovan Jovanović, South Serbia from the End of the XVIII Century until the Liberations in 1912, Belgrade 1941, 49.
41 Op. cit., 40.
42 Italian Albanologue Antonio Baldacci, L’Albania, Roma (1929), 274, quoted official census data prepared by the Austro-Hungarian occupation administration in northern Albania, and found that in the region of Hass there were not only Serbian-speaking Muslims but also a number of Orthodox Serbs unidentified in science until that time. According to him in Hass the situation was as follows: “La sua popolazione é di 5000 abitanti in tutto, di cui 200 greco-scismatici di nazionaliatá serba, 2500 musulmani serbofoni…”.